• Its time for Military Intervention to liberate Biafra from Nigeria Just As We liberated Kosovo in 1999 ---Says NATO Chief Gunther Fehlinger

    Biafra Debate Reignites as Austrian NATO Committee Chair Gunther Fehlinger Seeks Intervention in Nigeria
    |#UruallaTV

    The Chairman of the Austrian Committee for NATO Enlargement has called for international military intervention in Nigeria to help establish a Biafran state.

    His statement comes in response to a viral video showing Christians being attacked during a church program in Kwara State, an incident that has sparked widespread outrage and renewed global attention on Nigeria’s worsening insecurity.
    Its time for Military Intervention to liberate Biafra from Nigeria Just As We liberated Kosovo in 1999 ---Says NATO Chief Gunther Fehlinger Biafra Debate Reignites as Austrian NATO Committee Chair Gunther Fehlinger Seeks Intervention in Nigeria |#UruallaTV The Chairman of the Austrian Committee for NATO Enlargement has called for international military intervention in Nigeria to help establish a Biafran state. His statement comes in response to a viral video showing Christians being attacked during a church program in Kwara State, an incident that has sparked widespread outrage and renewed global attention on Nigeria’s worsening insecurity.
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  • The Story Of Omenuko
    A Igbo wealthy Man in the Late Nineteenth Century.
    Chief Igwegbe Ọdum
    Omenuko of Arondizuogu, c.1860-1940

    He was a brother to Mbadiwe Odum the father of Dr K.O Mbadiwe and Chief Green Mbadiwe

    Although the British outlawed slave trading for its subjects in 1807, the Igbo hinterland sustained an illicit trade late into the second decade of the twentieth century, in response to the palm oil trade and other factors. In fact, after the final slave cargo left the Niger Delta coast in the 1830s, internal slavery continued in the interior of the Bight of Biafra, especially around the Arondizuogu-Bende-Arochukwu supply axis, as late as 1912. The slaves previously meant for the overseas market were now engaged in plantation farms where their labor accelerated the growth of the palm oil trade. The focus of this History is the continuation of the slave trade after the ending of the trans-Atlantic traffic, as reflected in the life of Chief Igwegbe Ọdum. The biography of Igwebe Ọdum speaks in many ways to the collective historical experience of slavery and abolition, colonialism, social change and cultural dilemmas, and the link between economic power and political machinations. Igwegbe's life history provides an insight into the character of a class of nouveaux riche who were emerging in West Africa, including Igboland, where they were known as ọgaranya. The new economic order was defined by expansion of the cash economy, the gradual but steady decline of the Atlantic slave trade, and the transition to "legitimate commerce." Igwegbe Ọdum is remembered as someone who was able to take advantage of opportunities; in 1929, his kinsmen referred to him as ọmenukọ-akụ ("one who is financially buoyant in the midst of scarcity"). How he achieved this status is controversial, however. Igwegbe is portrayed either as a hero or villain. In 1934, for instance, his biographer, Pita Nwana, an Aro indigene and pioneer Igbo writer, presented Igwegbe as an ultimate model of a successful Aro traditional entrepreneur and politician. Similarly, in their different studies, Mbonu Ojike, Richard Ohizu Igwegbe (Chief Igwebe's son), and Dr. K. O. Mbadiwe (Igwegbe's nephew and popular Nigerian politician in the first and second republics)—have described Igwegbe in colorful words as a "political wizard" and "political dynamo." In 1966, however, the eminent African historian, Adiele Afigbo, stood the earlier studies on their heads by focusing specifically on the activities of Igwegbe as a collaborator in British colonial rule in Nigeria. Afigbo described Igwegbe as a paradox of "the greatest success and failure among that notorious crowd of Eastern Nigeria's rulers known as warrant chiefs," and "a discredited politician in his hometown Arondizuogu." In 1993, Evaristus Anyaehie sharply disagreed with Afigbo's uncomplimentary view of Igwegbe, which he dismissed as "misplaced emphasis." Instead, Anyaehie interprets Igwegbe's career broadly as "an authentic source of information on the political culture of the Igbo in the nineteenth and early twentieth century." As Elizabeth Isichei demonstrated in her study of nineteenth-century Igbo society, a cadre of "aristocrats" (ọgaranya) with newly found wealth emerged, thanks to the lucrative export trade in slaves and later palm oil. It is argued here that Igwegbe Ọdum's career provides us with insight into the nature of the evolving but often misunderstood nineteenth-century militarized social milieu in which he was raised. The history of the ọgaranya who marched with feet of iron fills a curious void in a period of Igbo history when the indigenous society was heading towards a crucial take-off to a new level of socioeconomic and political development following the expansion of merchant capitalism and the creation of new wealth in the hands of opportune individuals.

    What did you hear about Chief Omenuko
    #uruallatv #Omenuko
    The Story Of Omenuko A Igbo wealthy Man in the Late Nineteenth Century. Chief Igwegbe Ọdum Omenuko of Arondizuogu, c.1860-1940 He was a brother to Mbadiwe Odum the father of Dr K.O Mbadiwe and Chief Green Mbadiwe Although the British outlawed slave trading for its subjects in 1807, the Igbo hinterland sustained an illicit trade late into the second decade of the twentieth century, in response to the palm oil trade and other factors. In fact, after the final slave cargo left the Niger Delta coast in the 1830s, internal slavery continued in the interior of the Bight of Biafra, especially around the Arondizuogu-Bende-Arochukwu supply axis, as late as 1912. The slaves previously meant for the overseas market were now engaged in plantation farms where their labor accelerated the growth of the palm oil trade. The focus of this History is the continuation of the slave trade after the ending of the trans-Atlantic traffic, as reflected in the life of Chief Igwegbe Ọdum. The biography of Igwebe Ọdum speaks in many ways to the collective historical experience of slavery and abolition, colonialism, social change and cultural dilemmas, and the link between economic power and political machinations. Igwegbe's life history provides an insight into the character of a class of nouveaux riche who were emerging in West Africa, including Igboland, where they were known as ọgaranya. The new economic order was defined by expansion of the cash economy, the gradual but steady decline of the Atlantic slave trade, and the transition to "legitimate commerce." Igwegbe Ọdum is remembered as someone who was able to take advantage of opportunities; in 1929, his kinsmen referred to him as ọmenukọ-akụ ("one who is financially buoyant in the midst of scarcity"). How he achieved this status is controversial, however. Igwegbe is portrayed either as a hero or villain. In 1934, for instance, his biographer, Pita Nwana, an Aro indigene and pioneer Igbo writer, presented Igwegbe as an ultimate model of a successful Aro traditional entrepreneur and politician. Similarly, in their different studies, Mbonu Ojike, Richard Ohizu Igwegbe (Chief Igwebe's son), and Dr. K. O. Mbadiwe (Igwegbe's nephew and popular Nigerian politician in the first and second republics)—have described Igwegbe in colorful words as a "political wizard" and "political dynamo." In 1966, however, the eminent African historian, Adiele Afigbo, stood the earlier studies on their heads by focusing specifically on the activities of Igwegbe as a collaborator in British colonial rule in Nigeria. Afigbo described Igwegbe as a paradox of "the greatest success and failure among that notorious crowd of Eastern Nigeria's rulers known as warrant chiefs," and "a discredited politician in his hometown Arondizuogu." In 1993, Evaristus Anyaehie sharply disagreed with Afigbo's uncomplimentary view of Igwegbe, which he dismissed as "misplaced emphasis." Instead, Anyaehie interprets Igwegbe's career broadly as "an authentic source of information on the political culture of the Igbo in the nineteenth and early twentieth century." As Elizabeth Isichei demonstrated in her study of nineteenth-century Igbo society, a cadre of "aristocrats" (ọgaranya) with newly found wealth emerged, thanks to the lucrative export trade in slaves and later palm oil. It is argued here that Igwegbe Ọdum's career provides us with insight into the nature of the evolving but often misunderstood nineteenth-century militarized social milieu in which he was raised. The history of the ọgaranya who marched with feet of iron fills a curious void in a period of Igbo history when the indigenous society was heading towards a crucial take-off to a new level of socioeconomic and political development following the expansion of merchant capitalism and the creation of new wealth in the hands of opportune individuals. What did you hear about Chief Omenuko #uruallatv #Omenuko
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  • Igboland Is Not Southeast, See 1856 and 1911 Map of Igboland by British Researchers

    For those with good knowledge of history, the geographical location of Igbos and Igboland is one of the earliest well defined with its coordinate as far back as 1856 before Nigeria came into Existence.This is the official documentation of Igbo boundaries, a people who have lived in the forest region for thousands of years. This is also the Igbo cultural areas (ICA).

    The maps and descriptions below describes Igboland and not southeast. Southeast was created following balkanization of old Eastern Region in 1967,almost over 100 years after igboland is already defined in 1856.

    #uruallatv #Igboland southeast
    Igboland Is Not Southeast, See 1856 and 1911 Map of Igboland by British Researchers For those with good knowledge of history, the geographical location of Igbos and Igboland is one of the earliest well defined with its coordinate as far back as 1856 before Nigeria came into Existence.This is the official documentation of Igbo boundaries, a people who have lived in the forest region for thousands of years. This is also the Igbo cultural areas (ICA). The maps and descriptions below describes Igboland and not southeast. Southeast was created following balkanization of old Eastern Region in 1967,almost over 100 years after igboland is already defined in 1856. #uruallatv #Igboland southeast
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  • We Were Not Benin, We Are Igbos, And There’s Nothing Benin About Us.”- Senator Ned Nwoko
    reveals:
    Senator Ned Nwoko has directly challenged historical narratives regarding the ethnic identity of the Anyoma people, insisting that they are culturally and historically Igbo, not an offshoot of the Benin Kingdom. The Delta North Senator made this forceful declaration during his argument for the creation of Anyoma State, asserting that confusion over their origin was a consequence of historical circumstances and survival tactics. Nwoko’s statement underscores the cultural affinity underpinning his legislative push to formally place the proposed state in the Southeast geopolitical zone.

    According to a video posted on the Official YouTube channel of Channels Television, while explaining why some Anyoma people had previously distanced themselves from the Igbo identity, Senator Nwoko rejected external historical influence. He declared, “We were not Benin, We are Igbos, and there’s nothing Benin about us.” He traced this identity distortion to the historical expansion of the Benin Empire and later, to survival tactics during the Nigerian Civil War, where people were compelled to deny their Igbo heritage to escape alleged ethnic cleansing and violence
    #uruallatv #NedNwoko #anioma
    We Were Not Benin, We Are Igbos, And There’s Nothing Benin About Us.”- Senator Ned Nwoko reveals: Senator Ned Nwoko has directly challenged historical narratives regarding the ethnic identity of the Anyoma people, insisting that they are culturally and historically Igbo, not an offshoot of the Benin Kingdom. The Delta North Senator made this forceful declaration during his argument for the creation of Anyoma State, asserting that confusion over their origin was a consequence of historical circumstances and survival tactics. Nwoko’s statement underscores the cultural affinity underpinning his legislative push to formally place the proposed state in the Southeast geopolitical zone. According to a video posted on the Official YouTube channel of Channels Television, while explaining why some Anyoma people had previously distanced themselves from the Igbo identity, Senator Nwoko rejected external historical influence. He declared, “We were not Benin, We are Igbos, and there’s nothing Benin about us.” He traced this identity distortion to the historical expansion of the Benin Empire and later, to survival tactics during the Nigerian Civil War, where people were compelled to deny their Igbo heritage to escape alleged ethnic cleansing and violence #uruallatv #NedNwoko #anioma
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